Weight of Factory Children

Weight of Factory Children

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Table showing the Comparative Weight of Factory and Non-Factory Children (in lbs.)

Average weight of males in factories

Average weight of males not in factories


Average weight of females in factories

Average weight of females not in factories











































Psychiatric outcomes in young children with a history of institutionalization

Children raised in institutions, considered an extreme example of social deprivation, are one group through which we can better understand the impact of neglect on child health and development. The Bucharest Early Intervention Project (BEIP) is the first randomized, controlled trial of foster care as an intervention for institutionalized children. In this review we describe the mental health outcomes from the BEIP. Specifically, we report findings on attachment styles, attachment disorders, emotional reactivity, and psychiatric symptomatology for children in the BEIP. We describe the impact of the foster care intervention on these outcomes and also describe how outcomes differ by gender and by length of time spent in the institution. In addition, we explore the influence of genetic variation on individual outcomes and recovery from early severe social deprivation, as well as the role of differences in brain development in mediating later psychiatric morbidity. The results from the BEIP confirm and extend the previous findings on the negative sequelae of early institutional care on mental health. The results also underscore the benefit of early family placement for children living in institutions.

Conflict of interest statement

Declaration of interest: The authors report no conflicts of interest. The authors alone are responsible for the content and writing of the article.

Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society

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Historians had assumed traditional families in the preindustrial era involved the extended family, with grandparent, parents, children and perhaps some other relatives all living together and ruled by an elderly patriarch. There were examples of this in the Balkans—and in aristocratic families. However, the typical pattern in Western Europe was the much simpler nuclear family of husband, wife and their children (and perhaps a servant, who might well be a relative). Children were often temporarily sent off as servants to relatives in need of help. [2]

In medieval Europe there was a model of distinct stages of life, which demarcated when childhood began and ended. A new baby was a notable event. Nobles immediately started thinking of a marriage arrangement that would benefit the family. Birthdays were not major events as the children celebrated their saints' day after whom they were named. Church law and common law regarded children as equal to adults for some purposes and distinct for other purposes. [3]

Education in the sense of training was the exclusive function of families for the vast majority of children until the 19th century. In the Middle Ages the major cathedrals operated education programs for small numbers of teenage boys designed to produce priests. Universities started to appear to train physicians, lawyers, and government officials, and (mostly) priests. The first universities appeared around 1100: the University of Bologna in 1088, the University of Paris in 1150, and the University of Oxford in 1167. Students entered as young as 13 and stayed for 6 to 12 years. [4]

In England during the Elizabethan era, the transmission of social norms was a family matter and children were taught the basic etiquette of proper manners and respecting others. [5] Some boys attended grammar school, usually taught by the local priest. [6] During the 1600s, a shift in philosophical and social attitudes toward children and the notion of "childhood" began in Europe. [7] Adults increasingly saw children as separate beings, innocent and in need of protection and training by the adults around them.

English philosopher John Locke was particularly influential in defining this new attitude towards children, especially with regard to his theory of the tabula rasa, promulgated in his 1690 An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. In Locke's philosophy, tabula rasa was the theory that the (human) mind is at birth a "blank slate" without rules for processing data, and that data is added and rules for processing are formed solely by one's sensory experiences. A corollary of this doctrine was that the mind of the child was born blank, and that it was the duty of the parents to imbue the child with correct notions. Locke himself emphasised the importance of providing children with "easy pleasant books" to develop their minds rather than using force to compel them: "children may be cozened into a knowledge of the letters be taught to read, without perceiving it to be anything but a sport, and play themselves into that which others are whipped for."

During the early period of capitalism, the rise of a large, commercial middle class, mainly in the Protestant countries of Holland and England, brought about a new family ideology centred around the upbringing of children. Puritanism stressed the importance of individual salvation and concern for the spiritual welfare of children. It became widely recognized that children possess rights on their own behalf. This included the rights of poor children to sustenance, membership in a community, education, and job training. The Poor Relief Acts in Elizabethan England put responsibility on each Parish to care for all the poor children in the area. [8]

Childhood in Early Modern England Edit

Throughout the course of the Early Modern Period, childhood was split into multiple sections: adolescence, working and familial jobs, education, and sexual relations and marriage. However, the ages defining these different steps in development were arbitrary. Regardless of the age descriptions of each developmental stage, each person went through these stages in their life. This research will focus on the stages of childhood within early modern England, specifically the mid-sixteenth century through the mid-seventeenth century.

Adolescence was a short-lived period in a child's life. Many historians debate this quick transition into adult life. Philippe Ariès performed a study on childhood and argued that in theory and practice, adolescence was almost unknown, stating that once a child had reached the age of six or seven, they would become part of the adult world. [9] Other historians have argued that, “adolescence - the blossoming or lustful age. could begin at the age of 9 but also at 14 you could span the years between 14, or 18, and up to 25, 28, or simply until marriage.” [10] It is difficult to properly assess the different stages of childhood because there was no defining moment that signaled the transition between stages. Thus making this arbitrary interpretation a conflict amongst historians. Regardless of this, there are still general categories that are somewhat all-encompassing despite age differences.

A wide belief shared amongst theorists describes human instincts as inherently sinful from adolescence, especially in infants, children and youth. [11] This links to the theory of the Greek physician, Galen. Within his theory, Galenic physiology believed that humans passed through four separate ages, each controlled by a humour. [12] "Small infants were dominated by the blood humour mature persons were governed by the black choler and old age by the phlegm. Youth was governed by the red choler, which was also associated with hotness and dryness, with the summer season, and with fire. The notion of youth as a period governed by hot temper, or humour, or fire. could be used to evoke a variety of qualities: boldness, arrogance, excessive activity, rashness, a spirit easily drawn to quarrelling and vengeance, and especially to disobedience, riot, and rebelliousness." [13]

This aggression and rashness associated with childhood adolescence resulted in a connection with sin in religion. Because of this, parents were responsible for providing their children with “constant and diligent nurturing, strict discipline, and a proper education," [11] as part of the Catholic role in parenthood. Without these, their children would be tempted to do wrong. To add to that, about half of children would die before they reached the age of ten, so parents required strict discipline and hovered from using too much affection, which only increased the children's respect for their parents. [14] Within multiple autobiographies from the early modern period, authors even admitted to struggling between whether to follow God or Satan's invitations. [15] However, most authors reprimanded themselves for having immoral thoughts, [16] and even resulted in an inclination to spiritual practices later in life.

Despite how these negative theories correlated with adolescence, sometimes these behaviors were acceptable because the general consensus was that these behaviors would eventually disappear with time. Therefore, not all associations with adolescence were unfavorable. It was important, however, that parents guide their children through these rough stages of adolescence to ensure complete elimination of these tendencies. Children valued their parents’ opinion and blessing, [17] thus emphasizing the importance of the parent-child relationship during the stages of adolescence.

From a very young age, children were required to help with work within the family these children were also expected to continue helping the family until they were able or willing to leave the house. As they grew, children were given more physically demanding or harder jobs. To add to that, boys and girls had different tasks growing up that normally fit within tasks they would have to perform later in life.

Children did have jobs within the household that they performed year round. This includes, “fetching water and gathering sticks for fuel, going on errands, assisting mothers in milking, preparing food, cleaning, washing and mending. [18] These tasks were dependent on the regions each family lived in rural families taught children how to spin and card, and some girls were educated in stocking-knitting, hand-knitting, and lacemaking. [18] These were useful skills for urban women to gain as they became popular industries in the 17th century.

In other seasons, children performed a myriad of tasks around the property. Younger children helped with harrowing, scaring birds away from corn, pulling weeds, gathering fruits, and spreading dung for food. [18] During the winter, children still assisted their parents by “threshing, stacking sheaves, cleaning the barn and, in places and soils that required it in the winter, ploughing as well.” [18]

By aiding in familial chores, children learned the importance and value in working. Not only was this essential to development, but it provided funds for families that were in poverty. From the sixteenth century to the first half of the seventeenth century, the population of England doubled, reaching 5 million. [19] As the population grew, so did poverty. Children were more susceptible to poverty, which explains why working was so crucial if children were not helping they could become an economic burden on their families. [19]

Within these responsibilities, there were differences in jobs based on gender. One account recalls that their sister was taught to read, knit, do needle work, and spin. [20] Not only that, but young girls also assisted in housework with washing, marketing and preparing food. [20] From this, one can infer that these jobs were typically given to women as this correlated with tasks they would be performing later in life. Preparing children with the information they needed to succeed in life was one of the many responsibilities parents’ held. [21]

Education was significantly different for men and women in England. Living in a patriarchal society, men had societal advantages which included a stable education for the majority of their early life. Women, on the other hand, were typically educated in more remedial tasks that would assist them in being homemakers or having basic jobs.

For men, their education primarily consisted of preparing them for future careers in diverse fields. [22] Professions associated with “higher learning, the church, law, medicine, business and crafts, military service, the Navy and husbandry,” [22] were deemed appropriate for men. The number of schools greatly increased in the seventeenth century, providing more access for elementary and higher education. [23] These were typically boarding schools, but there were women scattered around the country that taught basic reading and literacy to families who could not send their sons far away. [24] Because of the easy access to schooling, many men were educated and able to obtain higher-level jobs. Liberal educational programs in England intended to prepare “‘gentlemen for Parliament, the pulpit, and the bar for the management of private estates and public works for the professions and scholarship.’” [25] Because of the abundant opportunities, men rose to positions of power, whether it be in the household or politics.

Women, however, did not have the same access to these resources. There was an increase in the number of schoolgirls and girl’s boarding schools. While men assumed the diverse positions offered to them, women learned “cookery and laundry… sewing… needlework… and the inculcation of social graces through the teaching of music and dancing.” Schooling for women was primarily for domestic purposes. Also, schooling was not necessarily typical for women usually, upper families educated their daughters. Overall, a significant number of women were not formally educated. [26] Having a classic education seemed like luxury knowing about “provisioning, attending illnesses of the household, protecting the estates in the absence of fathers, brothers, and husbands, and dealing with legal matters were vital to the smooth running of estates.” [27] Despite not having easy access to a formal education, women were responsible for teaching their children. It was the parent's duty to guide their children through life by shaping their morals and values [28] Therefore, women lacked the same opportunities as men. Despite this, they still proved useful running the household whether that be taking care of children, sewing clothes, or doing household chores. Equality regarding education would not happen for a long time, but women made small strides in learning to read and be literate, despite their lack of educational opportunities.

Typically, childhood reached its end with marriage. Theories behind virginity and processes of courtship during the early modern period also enforced the patriarchal structure of society marriage was also another reminder of how that patriarchal structure affects households. Following marriage, men and women typically evolved into parenthood, symbolizing the end of their adolescence.

Before courtship occurred, there were pressures arising from both men and women's families for marriage, but there was also promiscuity between both parties. Men visiting bawdy-houses was not out of the ordinary “young people appear then to have been… less rigid in their morals than married adults. This was true of males and to some extent of females.” [29] Courtship occurred as well. This included “casual companionship” [30] at public events, but also meetings in much more private areas this included “regular meetings, close familiarity, and a great deal of physical contact in private or semi-private places.” [30] On rare occasion, couples would spend an entire night together where “the young woman lived, in an alehouse, or in the open air.” [30]

Following courtship, marriage ensued. Marriage was extremely important in early modern society. Some historians even believe that this was one of the most important processes in obtaining adulthood. [31] It “involved the formation of a separate household which performed a multiplicity of social and economic roles - it was a locus of male authority and rule, and a unit of procreation, consumption and production.” [31] The patriarchal household was crucial in a successful marriage. The husband primarily held the most power in the household, while the wife was in charge of being a mother and educating her children, and maintaining the household.

Even though the patriarchal structure of marriage was important, there were limitations. There were many social expectations, especially for women, regarding marriage. The expectations of sexual habits surrounding married women resulted in certain attitudes to form around female youth. [32] In fact, there were even pressures surrounding marriage before the woman was even married “family pressures on women’s choice of partners and their courting were stronger than those placed on men.” [32] Despite how necessary it was for women to marry in order to fully succeed in life, women were extremely restricted in what they could do. They were usually contained to working in the household unless their husband passed, or they needed extra money in which she would most likely have a job in the textile field. All in all, marriage was important in symbolizing adulthood, but it still did restrict women and the roles they had in society.

Childhood had multiple stages in early modern England. Each of these developmental stages had specific characteristics that were followed with jobs or responsibilities for family members. Women and men had similar characteristics in adolescence, but as they got older, both split ways to take on their gender-specific roles, which implemented the idea of a patriarchal society.

The modern notion of childhood with its own autonomy and goals began to emerge during the Enlightenment and the Romantic period that followed it. Jean Jacques Rousseau formulated the romantic attitude towards children in his famous 1762 novel Emile: or, On Education. Building on the ideas of John Locke and other 17th-century thinkers, Rousseau described childhood as a brief period of sanctuary before people encounter the perils and hardships of adulthood. "Why rob these innocents of the joys which pass so quickly," Rousseau pleaded. "Why fill with bitterness the fleeting early days of childhood, days which will no more return for them than for you?" [33]

The idea of childhood as a locus of divinity and innocence is further expounded upon in William Wordsworth's "Ode: Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood", the imagery of which he "fashioned from a complex mix of pastoral aesthetics, pantheistic views of divinity, and an idea of spiritual purity based on an Edenic notion of pastoral innocence infused with Neoplatonic notions of reincarnation". [34] This Romantic conception of childhood, historian Margaret Reeves suggests, has a longer history than generally recognized, with its roots traceable to similarly imaginative constructions of childhood circulating, for example, in the neo-platonic poetry of seventeenth-century metaphysical poet Henry Vaughan (e.g., "The Retreate", 1650 "Childe-hood", 1655). Such views contrasted with the stridently didactic, Calvinist views of infant depravity. [35]

These new attitudes can be discerned from the dramatic increase in artistic depictions of children at the time. Instead of depicting children as small versions of adults typically engaged in 'adult' tasks, they were increasingly shown as physically and emotionally distinct and were often used as an allegory for innocence. Children are viewed and acknowledged as being powerless and inferior to the adult world surrounding them due to the myth of childhood innocence being accepted and acknowledged by society. [ citation needed ]

Sir Joshua Reynolds' extensive children portraiture clearly demonstrate the new enlightened attitudes toward young children. His 1788 painting The Age of Innocence, emphasizes the innocence and natural grace of the posing child and soon became a public favourite. [ citation needed ]

Building on Locke's theory that all minds began as a blank slate, the eighteenth century witnessed a marked rise in children's textbooks that were more easy to read, and in publications like poems, stories, novellas and games that were aimed at the impressionable minds of young learners. These books promoted reading, writing and drawing as central forms of self-formation for children. [36]

During this period children's education became more common and institutionalized, in order to supply the church and state with the functionaries to serve as their future administrators. Small local schools where poor children learned to read and write were established by philanthropists, while the sons and daughters of the noble and bourgeois elites were given distinct educations at the grammar school and university. [37]

With the onset of industrialisation in England, a growing divergence between high-minded romantic ideals of childhood and the reality of the growing magnitude of child exploitation in the workplace, became increasingly apparent. Although child labour was common in pre-industrial times, children would generally help their parents with the farming or cottage crafts. By the late 18th century, however, children were specially employed at the factories and mines and as chimney sweeps, [38] often working long hours in dangerous jobs for low pay. [39] In England and Scotland in 1788, two-thirds of the workers in 143 water-powered cotton mills were described as children. [40] In 19th-century Great Britain, one-third of poor families were without a breadwinner, as a result of death or abandonment, obliging many children to work from a young age. [ citation needed ]

As the century wore on, the contradiction between the conditions on the ground for children of the poor and the middle-class notion of childhood as a time of innocence led to the first campaigns for the imposition of legal protection for children. Reformers attacked child labor from the 1830s onward, bolstered by the horrific descriptions of London street life by Charles Dickens. [42] The campaign that led to the Factory Acts was spearheaded by rich philanthropists of the era, especially Lord Shaftesbury, who introduced Bills in Parliament to mitigate the exploitation of children at the workplace. In 1833 he introduced the Ten Hours Act 1833 into the Commons, which provided that children working in the cotton and woollen industries must be aged nine or above no person under the age of eighteen was to work more than ten hours a day or eight hours on a Saturday and no one under twenty-five was to work nights. [43] Legal interventions throughout the century increased the level of childhood protection, despite the prevalence of the Victorian laissez-faire attitude toward government interference. In 1856, the law permitted child labour past age 9 for 60 hours per week. In 1901, the permissible child labour age was raised to 12. [44] [45]

The modern attitude to children emerged by the late 19th century the Victorian middle and upper classes emphasized the role of the family and the sanctity of the child – an attitude that has remained dominant in Western societies ever since. [46] This can be seen in the emergence of the new genre of children's literature. Instead of the didactic nature of children's books of a previous age, authors began to write humorous, child-oriented books, more attuned to the child's imagination. Tom Brown's School Days by Thomas Hughes appeared in 1857, and is considered as the founding book in the school story tradition. [47] Lewis Carroll's fantasy Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, published in 1865 in England, signalled the change in writing style for children to an imaginative and empathetic one. Regarded as the first "English masterpiece written for children" and as a founding book in the development of fantasy literature, its publication opened the "First Golden Age" of children's literature in Britain and Europe that continued until the early 1900s. [47]

Compulsory schooling Edit

The latter half of the century also saw the introduction of compulsory state schooling of children across Europe, which decisively removed children from the workplace into schools. Modern methods of public schooling, with tax-supported schools, compulsory attendance, and educated teachers emerged first in Prussia in the early 19th century, [48] and was adopted by Britain, the United States, France [49] and other modern nations by 1900.

The market economy of the 19th century enabled the concept of childhood as a time of fun of happiness. Factory-made dolls and doll houses delighted the girls and organized sports and activities were played by the boys. [50] The Boy Scouts was founded by Sir Robert Baden-Powell in 1908, [51] which provided young boys with outdoor activities aiming at developing character, citizenship, and personal fitness qualities. [52]

The nature of childhood on the American frontier is disputed. One group of scholars, following the lead of novelists Willa Cather and Laura Ingalls Wilder, argue that the rural environment was salubrious. Historians Katherine Harris [53] and Elliott West [54] write that rural upbringing allowed children to break loose from urban hierarchies of age and gender, promoted family interdependence, and in the end produced children who were more self-reliant, mobile, adaptable, responsible, independent and more in touch with nature than their urban or eastern counterparts. On the other hand, historians Elizabeth Hampsten [55] and Lillian Schlissel [56] offer a grim portrait of loneliness, privation, abuse, and demanding physical labor from an early age. Riney-Kehrberg takes a middle position. [57] Over the 21st century, some sex-selection clinics [ clarification needed ] have shown a preference for female children over male children. [58]

Creativity Edit

In mid 20th century America, there was intense interest in using institutions to support the innate creativity of children. It helped reshape children's play, the design of suburban homes, schools, parks, and museums. Producers of children's television programming worked to spark creativity. Educational toys designed to teach skills or develop abilities proliferated. For schools there was a new emphasis on arts as well as science in the curriculum. [59] The emphasis was reversed in the 1980s, as public policy emphasized test scores, school principals downplayed anything that was not being scored on standardized tests. [60] After 2000 some children became mesmerized by their cell phones, often checking their text messages or Facebook page. [61] Checking Facebook and responding to text messages is a form of participatory culture. Participatory culture is engaging with media and developing ones voice and identity. By doing so, children are able to develop their voices and identities in a space separate from adults (Henry Jenkins). According to the UNCRC, children have the right to participate online with matters concerning them. They also have the right to give their opinions about certain matters, and these opinions should be heard by adults. Engaging in the digital environments gives children the access to worldwide issues, and also gives them the ability to decide what parts of their lives they want to keep private, and what parts they want to make public.

Non-Western world Edit

The modern concept of childhood was copied by non-Western societies as they modernized. In the vanguard was Japan, which actively began to engage with the West after 1860. Meiji era leaders decided that the nation-state had the primary role in mobilizing individuals – and children – in service of the state. The Western-style school was introduced as the agent to reach that goal. By the 1890s, schools were generating new sensibilities regarding childhood. [62] By the turn of the 20th century, Japan had numerous reformers, child experts, magazine editors, and well-educated mothers who had adopted these new attitudes. [63] [64]

Obese parents increase kids' risk of being overweight

The factor that puts children at greatest risk of being overweight is having obese parents, according to a new study by medical school researchers. By identifying the risk factors that lead to childhood obesity, the researchers hope to pave the way toward preventive measures.

“The findings of this study suggest that at-risk children may be identifiable in the first few years of life,” said W. Stewart Agras, MD, professor emeritus of psychiatry and behavioral sciences, whose team assessed both established and hypothesized risk factors in a study published in the July issue of the Journal of Pediatrics.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has established two categories of overweight children: those who are “at risk,” meaning they have a body mass index (a measure of body fat based on height and weight) above the 85th percentile, and those considered “severe,” meaning a BMI above the 95th percentile. In the most recent survey, more than 30 percent of children were considered at risk. And the prevalence of severely overweight children, 15 percent, has doubled during the past 20 years.

According to the American Obesity Association, pediatricians are reporting more frequent cases of obesity-related diseases such as type-2 diabetes, asthma and hypertension — diseases that once were considered adult conditions.

While numerous risk factors for overweight children have been identified — including low socioeconomic status, higher birth weight and lack of physical activity — few studies have examined these factors in infancy and early childhood.

“It's important to identify risk factors because they may provide a way to alter the child's environment and reduce the chance of becoming overweight,” Agras said.

During the exploratory study, Agras' team began tracking 150 children and their parents upon the child's birth. Attributes and behaviors were assessed until the child was 5 years old and were then used to predict whether the child would be overweight at 9.5 years. Monitored areas included parent weight, infant weight, parent eating behaviors, child eating behaviors, child activity, child temperament, child sleep time and parents' concerns about their child's weight.

The researchers found that 25 percent of the children were in the 85th percentile of BMI at 9.5 years of age, including 9 percent that were in the 95th percentile. They also found that 48 percent of children with overweight parents became overweight, compared with 13 percent of those with normal-weight parents.

Agras said parental obesity represented the most potent risk factor, a finding that confirms previous observations, and the connection between overweight parents and overweight children is likely due to a combination of genetics and family environmental influences.

He also noted that a child's temperament altered the effect of a parent's obesity 46 percent of children with a sensitive disposition and an overweight parent became overweight, compared with 19 percent of children without this disposition.

Temperament also played a role for children with normal-weight parents. Agras said it is likely that parents with emotional children feed them to reduce the frequency of tantrums instead of using non-food methods.

“It's probably not a good idea to use food as a calmer,” he said. “If we can identify kids with difficult temperaments, we could educate parents not to use food as a reward.”

Other significant risk factors were low parental concerns about their child's thinness and less sleep for the children. On average, overweight children got 30 fewer minutes of sleep than normal-weight children. The finding on sleep replicates previous findings but is not well understood, Agras said.

“We don't know at all how this works,” he said. “One possibility is that the kids sleep less because they're less active during the day.”

Co-authors include Lawrence Hammer, MD Fiona McNicholas, MD and Helena Kraemer, PhD. Hammer and Kraemer are both at Stanford McNicholas is now at University College in Dublin, Ireland.

How to Break Free of Our 19th-Century Factory-Model Education System

More than 150 years ago, Massachusetts became the first state to provide all of its citizens access to a free public education. Over the next 66 years, every other state made the same guarantee. The result was a publicly-funded system where, in every American classroom, groups of about 28 students of roughly the same age are taught by one teacher, usually in an 800 square-foot room. This model has been the dominant archetype ever since.

It's a factory-model classroom. Inspired in part by the approach Horace Mann saw in Prussia in 1843, it seemed to adequately prepare American youth for the 20th century industrialized economy. But in 1983, the federal government declared in A Nation At Risk that our system was starting to slide.

The year 1983 was also seminal for the technology industry. Microsoft released MS Word and Apple introduced the new Apple IIe. Some predicted that the demand for better schools, coupled with the supply of computers and new software, would soon revolutionize our nation's classrooms.

Schools did move to adopt new technologies -- computers and software, increased bandwidth, and infrastructure. But there is scant research-based evidence that these tools have had the exponential impact on public education many anticipated.

Given the enormous impact that technology has had on nearly every other aspect of our society, how can that be?


Perhaps it is because educational tools that have come into our classrooms over the last couple of decades, whether technology or otherwise, continue to be used within a school structure that is virtually unchanged since the mid-nineteenth century.

That model was imported from Prussia with a different purpose in mind. Horace Mann's free school movement stemmed less from a belief in the economic or moral imperative of education for all children and more from a desire to simply create a tolerant, civilized society.

Mann grew up in Massachusetts during the early part of the 19th century, where religious tension between Protestants and Catholics dominated public life. Parochial schools, in his view, only reinforced these divisions. The Prussian model, on the other hand, was designed to build a common sense of national identity.

Applied back home, Mann thought, large groups of students learning together would help to blur the divisions among religious groups and establish a more unified and egalitarian society. And as that model became the American blueprint, Mann's vision ultimately became the foundation for our national system of schooling.

Mann's vision also made sense for the industrial age in which he lived. The factory line was simply the most efficient way to scale production in general, and the analog factory-model classroom was the most sensible way to rapidly scale a system of schools. Factories weren't designed to support personalization. Neither were schools.

Today our collective vision for education is broader, our nation is more complex and diverse, and our technical capabilities are more powerful. But we continue to assume the factory-model classroom and its rigid bell schedules, credit requirements, age-based grade levels, and physical specifications when we talk about school reform.

That's why the promise of educational innovation is less about processing power and software code and more about the opportunity to release ourselves from general assumptions regarding how instruction is organized and delivered. It's why our collective charge in K-12 innovation today should go beyond merely designing and producing new tools. Rather, our focus should primarily be to design new classroom models that take advantage of what these tools can do.

Absent new models, many of our technological capabilities (which can now support both scale and personalization) are either inaccessible or clumsily grafted on. Three computers added to the back of a classroom may look like a positive step toward bringing that classroom into the advanced technological age. However, smoothly integrating three computers into a daily lesson is not always easy when a teacher has to consider the needs of 28 students all learning at the same time. Software programs that enable students to learn at their own pace can be powerful, particularly for students who are at an academic level far above or below the rest of the class. But this type of software is often not readily compatible with a teacher's need to cover a grade-level scope-and-sequence for all students.

Of course, some new technology tools have been useful in the classroom. There are many schools where interactive whiteboards have replaced chalkboards, computers support research in libraries, and electronic grade-books have supplanted spiral notebooks. These are the kinds of tools that can be readily integrated into a traditional classroom environment. But different teachers use these kinds of tools in different ways and their use does not facilitate a pivot from the rigidity of the factory model classroom. As a result, there is little research to show that investment in these kinds of tools has a meaningful impact on student learning.

New classroom delivery models allow us to re-imagine new combinations of educator expertise, time, instructional materials, research, physical space, parental support, and (yes) technology in ways that achieve optimal outcomes for students. They begin not by assuming the current model but rather by understanding what it is we want students to be able to do, the measures of success, the resources we have to work with, and our own sense of possibility.

Different schools may take different approaches to combining these components, depending on their educational philosophies, available teaching resources and student needs. For example, some might offer science through a combination of in-class activities, collaborative lab periods in the evening, and online coaches who work in a scientific industry. Others might teach a foreign language through the combination of in-class dialogue, web-based software, and online activities with students in other countries. Still others, like New Classrooms, use a combination of teacher-led instruction, student collaborative activities, software, virtual instructors, and a complex scheduling algorithm to enable each student to move through an individualized learning progression at his or her own pace.

Importantly, model providers also do not need to be directly managing the school. While some providers (e.g. Charter Management Organizations) may chose to both design new models and directly manage schools, others providers may design models to work within existing schools and with faculty who remain on the district's payroll.

But in either case, model providers would begin to share in the accountability for student outcomes at the school level. State or districts that currently adopt textbooks would instead certify a number of model providers who would then pair off with schools (on a mutual selection basis) to support the implementation and customization of their model in a particular subject area. Over time, as models begin to mature, states and districts would be able to analyze the academic impact of the model providers, rewarding those that are most successful and decertifying those that are not.

The Information Age has facilitated a reinvention of nearly every industry except for education. It's time to unhinge ourselves from many of the assumptions that undergird how we deliver instruction and begin to design new models that are better able to leverage talent, time, and technology to best meet the unique needs of each student. In doing so, we can put Mann's innovation in its proper context: as the foundation for our commitment to a public education but not as the blueprint for how to deliver it.

Stereotypies in children with a history of early institutional care

Objectives: To investigate the prevalence of stereotypies in children with a history of early institutional care, evaluate the efficacy of a foster care intervention compared with institutional care on the course of stereotypies, and describe correlates in language, cognition, and anxiety for children who exhibit stereotypies.

Design: Randomized controlled trial.

Setting: Institutions in Bucharest, Romania.

Participants: One hundred thirty-six children with a history of early institutional care. Intervention Comparison of a foster care intervention with continued care as usual in an institution.

Main outcome measures: The presence of stereotypies as well as outcomes in language, cognition, and anxiety.

Results: At the baseline assessment prior to placement in foster care (average age of 22 months), more than 60% of children in institutional care exhibited stereotypies. Follow-up assessments at 30 months, 42 months, and 54 months indicated that being placed in families significantly reduced stereotypies, and with earlier and longer placements, reductions became larger. For children in the foster care group, but not in the care as usual group, stereotypies were significantly associated with lower outcomes on measures of language and cognition.

Conclusions: Stereotypies are prevalent in children with a history of institutional care. A foster care intervention appears to have a beneficial/moderating role on reducing stereotypies, underscoring the need for early placement in home-based care for abandoned children. Children who continue to exhibit stereotypies after foster care placement are significantly more impaired on outcomes of language and cognition than children without stereotypies and thus may be a target for further assessments or interventions.

Weight of Factory Children - History

The Agricultural Revolution Index

The Industrial Revolution Index

The Textile Industry Index

Chronology of the Textile Industry

Kay patented the Flying Shuttle.

Cotton mills were opened at Birmingham and Northampton.

Lancashire mill owners imported East India yarns to improve the quality of textiles

An angry mob of weavers wrecked Kay's house.

Hargreaves designed the Spinning Jenny.
Arkwright designed the Water Frame.

An angry mob destroyed Arkwright's mill at Chorely

Arkwright patented the Water Frame.

Hargreaves patented the Spinning Jenny.

Arkwright opened his mill at Cromford.

The first all-cotton textiles were produced.

Crompton designed the Spinning Mule.

Arkwright's mill at Masson was opened.

Cartwright patented the power loom.

Cotton goods production was 10 times more than in 1770.

Samuel Slater brought textile machinery design to the US.

Arkwright's steam powered factory was built in Nottingham.

Grimshaw's factory in Manchester was destroyed by an angry mob of weavers and spinners.
Eli Whitney invented the cotton gin.

Joseph Marie Jacquard invented a device using punched card to weave complex designs.

English textile mills were forced to close down as supplies of cotton from the US South ran short.

Horrocks invented the speed batton


The Industrial Revolution

A Brief History of the Cotton Industry

During the second half of the 17th century, cotton goods were imported from India. Because of the competition with the wool and the linen industries, in 1700, the government placed a ban on imported cotton goods. Cotton had become popular, however, and a home-based cotton industry sprung up using the raw material imported from the colonies. Since much of the imported cotton came from New England, ports on the west coast of Britain, such as Liverpool, Bristol and Glasgow, became important in determining the sites of the cotton industry. Of course, the wool and linen manufacturers made sure that many restrictions were imposed on the import of cotton, but, as cotton had become fashionable, there was little they could do to stop the trend.

Lancashire became a center for the cotton industry because the damp climate was better for spinning the yarn. Also, because the cotton thread was not strong enough, "fustian" wool or linen had to be used to make the warp for weaving. Lancashire was also a wool center.

Two processes are necessary in the production of cotton goods from the raw material - spinning and weaving. At first, these were very much home-based, "cottage" industries. The spinning process, using the spinning wheel, was slow and the weavers were often held up by the lack of thread. In the 1760's, James Hargreaves improved thread production when he invented the Spinning Jenny. By the end of the decade, Richard Arkwright had developed the Water Frame. This invention had two important consequences. Firstly, it improved the quality of the thread, which meant that the cotton industry was no longer dependent on wool or linen to make the warp. Secondly, it took spinning away from the home-bases to specific areas where fast-flowing streams could provide water power for the larger machines. The west Pennines of Lancashire became the center for the cotton industry. Not long after the invention of the Water Frame, Samuel Crompton combined the principals of the Spinning Jenny and the Water Frame to produce his Spinning Mule. This provided even tougher and finer cotton thread.

These inventions turned the tables, and it was the weavers who found it hard to keep up with the supply of thread. In 1770, John Kay's Flying Shuttle loom, which had been invented in 1733 and doubled a weaver's productivity and was widely in use. In conjunction with the Spinning Frame, this new loom was used in factories built in Derbyshire, Lancashire and Scotland.

The textile industry was also to benefit from other developments of the period. As early as 1691, Thomas Savery had made a vacuum steam engine. His design, which was unsafe, was improved by Thomas Newcomen in 1698. In 1765, James Watt further modified Newcomen's engine to design an external condenser steam engine. Watt continued to make improvements on his design, producing a separate condenser engine in 1774 and a rotating separate condensing engine in 1781. Watt formed a partnership with a businessman called Matthew Boulton, and together they manufactured steam engines which could be used by industry.

In 1785, the Reverend Edmund Cartwright invented the power loom. His invention was perfected over a ten year period by William Horrocks. Henry Cort replaced the early wooden machines with new machines made of iron. These new iron machines needed coal, rather than charcoal, to produce the steam to drive them.

Power looms (late 19th century)

By 1800, cotton mills were constructed using the latest technology. The Spinning Mules provided the fine, but strong thread which was used by the weavers on their power looms. These looms were operated by steam engines. The steam had been produced using coal as the fuel. In less than one hundred years, the cotton industry had developed from a home-based, cottage industry to a factory based industry housed in cotton mills.

The spinners and weavers no longer worked for themselves. The equipment and the raw materials needed in the industry were far too expensive. The spinners and weavers were now the workers, or employees, of the person who owned the factory and who could pay for the raw materials. Instead of working for themselves, at home and at their own pace, the workers were now paid a wage to carry out a job of in a cotton mill for a specific period of time each day. This also meant that, in order to find work, many people needed to move into the areas where the cotton mills had been built.

With the technological advances in both spinning and weaving, it might be supposed that the supply of raw materials could have been a limiting factor to production. Even in this area, however, technology had lent a hand. A machine called a Cotton Gin, invented by an American, Eli Whitney, made extracting the cotton from the plant much easier. The cotton growers were able to keep up with the demand for raw materials from across the Atlantic.

The Open Door Team 2020
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© Shirley Burchill, Nigel Hughes, Richard Gale, Peter Price and Keith Woodall 2020

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Get your kids moving

Children who sit too much and move too little are at the highest risk for becoming overweight. Kids need an hour of exercise a day for optimum health. This may seem like a lot, but exercise doesn’t have to happen in a gym or all at once. Instead, try to incorporate movement into your family’s regular routine.

Exercise ideas for kids

It used to be commonplace to find children running around and playing in the streets of their neighborhoods, naturally expending energy and getting exercise. In today’s world, that’s not always an option, but you still have options for boosting their activity level.

Play active indoor games. Put the remote away and organize some active indoor games. You can play tag (perhaps crawling tag, so that you keep messes to a minimum), hide-and-seek, or Simon Says (think jumping jacks and stretches).

Try activity-based video games, such as those from Wii and Kinect which are played standing up and moving around—simulating dancing, skateboarding, soccer, bowling, or tennis. Once your child gains in confidence, get away from the screen and play the real thing outside.

Get active outside with your child. Take a walk together, bike around the neighborhood, explore a local park, visit a playground, or play in the yard. If it makes sense for your neighborhood and schedule, walk to and from activities and school.

Do chores together. Perhaps it’s not your child’s first choice, but doing household chores is a very effective way to get exercise. Mopping, sweeping, taking out trash, dusting or vacuuming burns a surprising number of calories.

Enroll children in after school sports or other activities. If your budget allows, sign your child up to play a sport or get involved in an activity where they are physically active. The local YMCA, YWCA, or Boys’ and Girls’ Club are safe places for children to exercise and play.

Sign up for a 5 or 10K walk/run with your child. Sometimes having a goal in mind can motivate even the most reluctant exercisers. Find a kid-friendly event in your area and tell your child you’ll be “training” for it together. Be sure to celebrate when you accomplish this feat.

Children over age 2, or teens whose BMI is:

  • Less than the 5th percentile are considered underweight.
  • Between the 5th percentile and less than the 85th percentile are at a healthy weight.
  • In the 85th percentile to less than the 95th percentile are considered overweight.
  • Equal to, or greater than the 95th percentile are considered obese.

Written by American Heart Association editorial staff and reviewed by science and medicine advisers. See our editorial policies and staff.